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Sunday, January 17, 2010

Opinions From Here and There on the Proposition 8 Trial

The drumbeat continues over at the Los Angeles Times. Columnist Tim Rutten chimed in bemoaning the lack of a broadcast, and is clearly in favor of neutering marriage. He thinks SCOTUS' decisions on broadcasting is troublesome. Also "troubling", according to him, is the notion that SCOTUS might actually decide to protect marriage and the due process of the California vote.

Notice that in his thinking, one side is for "marriage equality" and the other side consists of "Propostion 8 defenders". How about "defenders of the California constitution"? Or "defenders of traditional marriage?" And "marriage equality", of course, is a bogus concept in the sense he uses it.

It's true that a tiny handful of activists on the movement's fringe have behaved outrageously toward opponents of same-sex marriage, but that criticism can't be made against the plaintiffs in this case.

It isn't the plaintiffs who are of concern. Even their expert witnesses say there's a lot of mental illness in "the community". Homofascists came out in force after the amendment was adopted. Think of it this way, in terms I'm sure someone who works at the Los Angeles Times can understand – the people who shoot abortion doctors aren't plaintiffs in lawsuits, either.

That was for Saturday's edition. From Sundays edition comes a news article version of the same topic, from David G. Savage.

The lawyers challenging the California measure hope to build a convincing case that gays and lesbians, like other minorities, suffer from prejudice and bigotry that requires a remedy from the courts.

So far, they've mostly shown that the family and friends of those testifying have been the "problem". Are federal courts really supposed to do something about that? It is one thing for courts and legislatures to get involved in housing or employment issues, but should they tell family members they can't do anything to make other family members feel awkward?

I notice this article also uses phrases like "opponents of gay marriage" and "Prop. 8 defenders". It's biased language. Why aren't the plaintiffs called "opponents of the voters" or "opponents of the state constitution" or "foes of traditional marriage"?

Legal experts on the left and right gleaned three insights from the high court intervention:

First, the justices are following this case closely. They typically rule on appeals after cases are decided. It is rare for them to intervene in a pending trial.

Second, the court's conservatives do not trust Walker to set fair rules for proceedings. Their opinion described how he had given shifting explanations of his plans. This suggests Walker's ruling on Proposition 8 may be viewed with some skepticism.

And third, the majority has a distinct sympathy for the foes of same-sex marriage. The justices cited a series of newspaper stories reporting on the threats and harassment faced by those who have publicly opposed gay unions.

Let's hope this is all true.
Several California law professors who said they supported gay rights worried about a 9th Circuit ruling that broadly endorsed [neutering] marriage.

"The worst-case scenario is a 9th Circuit ruling in favor of the plaintiffs. That will force the Supreme Court's hand, and it will lead to a bad precedent," said Vikram Amar, a law professor at UC Davis and a former court clerk. "I don't see the five justices to affirm that. There may not be two or three even."

Despite articles like this, the activists will still pretend to be shocked if SCOTUS affirms marriage and due process.

[Favorable opinions after the jump.]

Diane Medved published some thoughts here. Check them out.
Depth of feeling for another person may create a relationship, but it does not constitute or necessitate marriage.
Later she writes...
I do think it's true that California marriage law discriminates against same-sex couples. Couples where both partners are the same gender are treated differently from couples where the partners are of opposite sexes. That's called "discrimination based on sex." Which for many purposes is perfectly legal, and which advocates of gay marriage do not seek to change. For example, women are not required to register for the draft, and if there were one, women would not be required to serve. Public restrooms may be segregated by sex. Male and female convicts go to facilities separated by gender. And California marriage laws always assumed--and now specify--a bride and a groom.
I urge you to click through and read the whole thing. Also found at Townhall.com is Kevin McCullough latest column, "Why Ted Olson is Wrong".
Even though we have not one ounce of biological evidence as to the origin of what creates homosexual feelings, desires, inclinations, and temptations, Olson et al are adopting the mantra that people who engage in that behavior are in some way forced by nature to do so. Even if the argument compels science to argue that homosexuals are "born that way," advising such behavior is not necessarily healthy. Newborns with fetal alcohol syndrome are not expected to take to beer instead of milk.
Even if it was true that someone had no control over what their body does, that would not obligate us to remove the bride+groom requirement from marriage licensing. Everyone needs to eliminate waste from their bodies, but we still have male and female restrooms, and only the male restrooms have urinals – and we expect people to control their bodies enough to use those restrooms, and not the entryway of a courthouse - or to have medical accomodations.
Binding legal relationships between people of the same sex already exist in nearly every state in the union. Rights like hospital visitation, inheritance, financial planning, even severance upon the ending of the relationship can already be contracted by any two people, a piece of paper, and a notary.
In California, which has full domestic partnerships, it is all about hijacking a word, and hoping to force a SCOTUS court mandate.

Greg Koukl at Stand to Reason blogged some thoughts.

If there is no natural teleology to marriage and families, then the definition of marriage is simply a matter of convention. We can define it how we want. Now, I don’t accept that view, but even if I did, this doesn’t help homosexual marriage. Society has voted, and they’ve voted it out. On what grounds do you appeal for a change? Moral grounds? You’ve surrendered that opportunity when you claim that there is no right or wrong definition of marriage. If so, I have no moral obligation to opt for one view over another. If marriage is merely defined by society, well then, we voted and defined it as one man and one woman.
There was a letter written in to the Orange County Register that caught my eye.

Cherilyn Harline of San Clemente wrote:

If biology demands that human offspring derive from one male and one female, then it is safe to conclude that children have a right to both a father and a mother.
Perhaps this is one of those natural rights that wasn't explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, because it wasn’t under threat at the time" Perhaps now, we need an amendment spelling this out - or maybe SCOTUS will spell it out.
It does not deny homosexual couples the right to unite, nor does it deny them "respect and dignity" any more than it does the divorced, the single or the childless. It merely promotes a standard that, across cultures and generations, has supported the rights of the most vulnerable among us.
Children do not consent to their parentage or custody. Just think of that a time-honored cry of the teenager: "I didn’t ask to be born!"

3 comments,:

  1. Playful, you've been blogging up a storm on this anti-8 case. Thank you, and please keep up the good work.

    * * *

    From the column you quoted: "They typically rule on appeals after cases are decided. It is rare for them to intervene in a pending trial."

    That is simply misleading.

    The Supreme Court responded to the pro-amendment litigators. And the majority rebuked Judge Walker on at least two of his orders the effect of which could not be undone months down the road. They had to decide if the litigators must submit their confidential communications for scrutiny. They had to decide if the trial was to be boradcast. If they had not responded to the litigators, and let those orders take effect, then, how could they have unrung the bell?

    The issue is fair treatment of the litigators. That is always a priority for the judiciary -- during proceedings. And the majority of Supremes reminded Judge Walker, quite pointedly for Justices, that this was also his paramount duty.

    The other two 'insights' on that columnist's list are political rather than legal. The view expressed may be cynical, and realistic, but it goes to show how our judiciary is no longer seen as a neutral check on political power but is seen now as a participant on the political stage.

    Of course the majority are concerned about Walker's proceedings being tilted rather than fair. That should send a judicial signal, rather than a political signal.

    Of course the majority are concerned about threats and initimidation that portends more of the same should the trial be broadcast. That's germane to the decision they were petitioned to make. That, too, should send a judicial signal, rather than a political signal.

    This sort of courtcentric political campaign, one which the SSM side has worked to perfect, is corruptive also of our political system. This bench trial really ought not to have been undertaken to engage in this wild goose chase for supposedly new facts. The question at issue is a quesiton of law and not a question of the feelings of plaintiffs nor the feelings of the pro-ammendment trial participants.

    This spectacle is showing that the SSM campaign and its argumentation depends,utterly, on emotivism and identity politics. If it was not for the potential for harrassment and threats and abuse, I would favor broadcasting this bogus trial just to make this obvious for all to see.

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  2. I hasten to add, that I would not be in favor of Judge Walker's rule-breaking to get this trial broadcast. If he had been more thorough on due process and equal protection -- in this procedures and decision-making concering broadcasting -- he'd not have been rebuked by the majority of Supremes. So, minus such rule-breaking, and minus the prospect of unfair treatment of litigants, I'd favor broadcasting for the reason I gave above.

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  3. Now that the press is just giving its summaries of the trial, I have to wonder just how much their coverage is slanted to make the testimony of the pro-SSM look as good as possible, and to make the pro-marriage side look as bad as possible (or to minimize it).

    I think this is not a trial to be broadcast, not only because of the potential for intimidation of litigants, but because of the grandstanding which inevitably occurs in such circumstances when people know they are being broadcast, and that should have no place in a trial of law. Still, another part of me would like to know whether or not the press is being truly accurate in its reporting here.

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